Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism, 1933.
This question first appears in Spinoza: “Why do men fight for their servitude as stubbornly as though it were their salvation?” The latest iteration possibly being: “Why do those who would benefit from universal health care fight for its suppression?”
Quoted in Etienne Balibar, Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies on Politics and Philosophy Before and After Marx (New York: Routledge, 2013), 179.
Sami Khatib, “May Day School 2015: How do We Think about Fascism Today?,” Ljubljana, April 30, 2015.
To this day, the security force responsible for protecting American kings—the presidential Secret Service—is also tasked with eliminating counterfeiters.
Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus (London: Continuum, 2004), 27.
Ibid., 30.
These councils were brutality repressed by the Freikorps, who executed circa 1,800 of their members and supporters.
Klaus Theweleit, Male Fantasies (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 74.
Gustave Le Bon, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, 2nd ed. (London: Dunwoody, 1968), 15–44.
Theweleit, Male Fantasies, 89.
Ibid., 227.
Ibid., 221.
Ibid.
Barbara Ehrenreich, Foreword to Theweleit, Male Fantasies, xiv.
Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism:Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany, (Princeton University Press, 2005)
Daniel Woodley, Fascism and Political Theory: Critical Perspectives on Fascist Ideology (New York: Routledge, 2010), 212.
Ehrenreich, xv.
Susan Buck-Morss, Dream World and Catastrophe (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000), 9.
Hans-Joachim Braun, The German Economy in the Twentieth Century (London: Routledge, 1990), 78.
Buck-Morss, Dream World and Catastrophe, 18. A case in point is the current European debate about the distinction between “refugees” and “migrants”: because the violence and coercion resulting from economic conditions is not perceived as violence, people fleeing hunger or exploitation are denied the status of refugees.
Deleuze and Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, 33.
At present, the survival of global capital depends on the Chinese Communist Party providing cheap, non-unionized labor for outsourced industries, whose low-cost products, in turn, meet the purchasing power of an increasingly impoverished Western working class.
This gendered division of labor is the household equivalent of the international division of labor, which hierarchizes the stages of manufacturing geographically.
Matteo Pasquinelli, “Capital Thinks Too: The Idea of the Common in the Age of Machine Intelligence,” Open! Commonist Aesthetics, December 11, 2015 →.
It is worth noting that though women were implicated in Nazi war crimes, they were never allowed to join the all-male SS.
Brian E. Crim, “The Monstrous Women of Nazisploitation Cinema,” in Selling Sex on Screen: From Weimar Cinema to Zombie Porn, eds. Karen A. Ritzenhoff and Catriona McAvoy (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), 105.
Shimshon Bichler and Jonathan Nitzan, Capital as Power (New York: Routledge, 2009), 36–37.
Similarly, the French, we are told, could have stopped the Paris attacks if they’d been armed.
See Randy Thornhill and Craig T. Palmer, A Natural History of Rape: Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000).
Even in its more realistic versions, as Orit Halpern notes, the current conception of deep learning is predatory: the world becomes a standing reserve of data to be greedily absorbed by pattern-recognizing algorithms. See Halpern, “The Smart Mandate,” in Nervous Systems: Quantified Life and the Social Question (Leipzig: Spector Books, 2015), 223.
Katherine Hayles, How We Became Post Human: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 149.